The Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) and the BJP, the incumbent alliance, did not win all of the seats in the Nagaland Legislature on March 2. For Naga politics, it was a historic day since a large glass ceiling was smashed. Two of them were chosen by the state, which had never had a female Legislator.
That was a “red letter day,” according to Rosemary Dzuvichu, one of the state’s most well-known women’s rights advocates. The victory of Dzuvichu was understandable. She has been waging an often lonesome fight for women’s representation in the Naga political realm along with her fellow countrywomen at the feminist Naga Mothers’ Organization. And one would assume that the election of two MLAs marked the beginning of a new era in the traditionally male-dominated field of Naga politics.
The State Election Commission (SEC) soon after announced the long-delayed urban local body elections with a 33% reserve for women, which was another historic breakthrough. Due to tribal groups’ opposition to female representation quotas in urban local body elections, the elections had been delayed for years. It was a false hope, as the all-knowing tribal bodies reinforced their stance on the issue less than a month later.
These elections, which have not been held in fifteen years, have long been a source of contention in Nagaland. Two people died during violent protests in 2017, which produced such unrest that the Chief Minister at the time, TR Zeliang, resigned.
Reservations, according to the Naga people, are against the customary laws of their community. They note that Article 371A of the Constitution gives the Nagas the authority to conduct some affairs in accordance with their traditional laws. They say that they are not against women running for office but that accepting reservations would weaken the particular legal protections that Nagas currently have.